Ranking Housing in the UK at the top of the EU country. But rising housing costs led many to claim there was a "housing crisis". Most though still find the UK a desirable place to live. London is a population with the highest number of ultra-high-value individuals in the world. For some this is a cause for concern as it leads to gentrification. The average house cost of Ã, Â £ 290,000 to purchase (September 2015), has 2.8 rooms, and is semi-detached. Housing is the largest non-financial asset in the UK with a net value of £ 5.1 trillion (2014).
Video Housing in the United Kingdom
History
Victorian Era
Rapid population growth in the nineteenth century in cities, including new industrial and manufacturing cities, as well as service centers such as; Edinburgh and London. Critical factor is financing, which is handled by the building community directly related to large contractor companies. The private rent of the landlord housing is the dominant period. P. Kemp says this is usually beneficial for tenants. People are moving so fast that there is not enough capital to build decent housing for everyone, so low-income newcomers are squeezed into increasingly overcrowded slums. Clean water, sanitation and public health facilities are inadequate; high mortality, especially infant mortality, and tuberculosis among young adults.
1900-1939
Rapid housing expansion was a major success story of the interwar years, 1919-1939, standing in stark contrast to the United States, where the construction of new housing practically collapsed after 1929. The total housing stock in England and Wales was 7.6 million 1911; 8,000,000 in 1921; 9,400,000 in 1931; and 11.3 million in 1939.
Renting
The private rental market provides 90% of pre-war housing. Now it is under heavy pressure, regarding lease control, and the inability of the owner to evict tenants, except for not paying rent. The residents had a friend in the Liberal Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, and especially in the growing Labor Party. The private rental sector is experiencing a prolonged downturn and never recovered; in 1938, accounted for only 58% of the housing stock.
The decisive changes in policy were marked by the Tudor Walters Report of 1918; set standards for the design and location of the home council for the next ninety years. It is recommended housing on a short terrace, is 70 feet (21 m) at a density of twelve to the acre. With Housing, Town Planning & amp; c. The 1919 Act David Lloyd George builds a government housing system that follows a 1918 election campaign promising "a home fit for heroes." It takes local authorities to survey their housing needs, and start building houses to replace slums. Treasury subsidizes low rents. The immediate impact is the prevalence of three-bedroom homes, with kitchens, bathrooms, living rooms, electric lighting, and gas cooking, often built as subsidized housing councils. Major cities like London and Birmingham are building large-scale housing - one in Birmingham has a population of 30,000 inhabitants. Houses are built in blocks of two or four using brick or stucco, with two floors. They retreated from the curved streets; each has a long garden. Shopping centers, churches and pubs are popping up nearby. Finally, the city will provide a village hall, a school, and a public library. The population is usually the fifth layer of the working class. The largest of these two communities is Becontree on the outskirts of London, where construction began in 1921, and by 1932 there were 22,000 homes that housed 103,000 residents. Slums are now being removed from public health concerns, to municipal planning issues.
Liberal MP Tudor Walters was inspired by the park city movement, calling for the construction of a large low density and semi-detached house built with high construction standards. Older women can now choose. Local politicians consult with them and in response, they place more emphasis on facilities such as communal laundry, additional bedrooms, indoor lavatories, hot water, separate parlors to show their respect, and practical vegetable gardens rather than manicured gardens. The housewives have filled their room pots. Progress is not automatic, as pointed out by the Norfolk rural problem. Many dreams are destroyed because local rulers have to deny promises they can not meet because of unhurried and impossible national deadlines, weakening bureaucracy, lack of timber, rising costs, and inaccessibility of rents by the rural poor.
In England and Wales, 214,000 multi-unit council buildings were built in 1939; making the Ministry of Health largely a housing ministry. Housing council accounted for 10% of the housing stock in the UK in 1938, peaking at 32% in 1980, and dropping to 18% in 1996, where it survived steadily over the next two decades.
Debate in High-rise Housing
The fierce debate about high-rise housing that occurred after 1945 was sparked by a fierce debate in the 1920s and 1930s in London. On the political left there is strong opposition to what is denounced as a "barracks for the working class". The reformers on the right are calling for many multi-storey solutions to be too full and high rents. There is a compromise effort by developing new solutions for urban life, which are focused primarily on slums and rebuilding schemes. Compromises generally seek to replace unfriendly slums with high-rise blocks serviced by elevators. At the Metropolitan Borough of Stepney they included John Scurr House (built 1936-1937), Riverside Mansions (1925-1928) and the Limehouse Fields project (1925 but never built).
Ownership
The more British ideal is home ownership, even among the working class. The rate of home ownership increased steadily from 15 percent of people owning their own homes before 1914, to 32 percent in 1938, and 67 percent in 1996. The construction industry sold the idea of ​​homeownership to upper-class tenants. KPRs lose the old stigma of the milled rocks in your neck to be seen as an ingenious long-term investment in suburban England. It attracted upward mobility aspirations and allowed the fastest growth rate in the work of working-class owners during the 20th century. The explosion was largely financed by the savings of ordinary English put into their building societies. Beginning in 1920 a favorable tax policy encouraged large investments in society, creating substantial reserves for loans. Beginning in 1927, society encouraged lending through the gradual liberalization of mortgage terms.
Post War
Housing is a critical deficiency in the postwar era. Air strikes have destroyed half a million housing units; undamaged maintenance and maintenance has been postponed. 3,000,000 new residences are needed. The government is targeting 300,000 to be built each year, compared to the pre-war level of 350,000. However, there is a lack of builders, materials, and funding. The Ministry of Works publishes a set of Post-War Development Studies, which establishes technical guidelines for the use of new or modernized building materials. Not counting 150,000 prefabricated units temporarily, the country still has 1,500,000 units in 1951. The law continues to lease, but it does not affect the purchased homes. The ambition of the New City Act 1946 project is idealistic, but it does not provide enough needed units. When the Conservatives returned to power in 1951, they made housing the top priority and oversaw 2,500,000 new units, two thirds of them through local councils. Haste is made for dubious quality, and policies are increasingly shifting toward renovation rather than new builds. Slums are cleared, paving the way for gentrification in the inner cities.
The working-class family has proved anxious to buy their house when the ministry Thatcher introduced the "Right to Buy" scheme in 1980.
Maps Housing in the United Kingdom
Demographics
By early 2014 there were about 23 million residential areas in England, of which 63% were occupied by owners, 20% were privately rented, and 17% were public housing. The overall average bedroom number is 2.8 in 2013-14, 37% of households have at least two spare bedrooms. 20% of dwellings were built before 1919 and 15% were built post 1990. 29% of all storied residences, 42% are separate or semi-detached, and the remaining 29% are bungalows or flats. The average floor area is 95 square meters. About 4% of all residences are empty. Around 385,000 households reported fires between 2012 and 2014, largely due to cooking. In 2014 2.6 million displaced households, the majority (74%) are tenants.
Construction history
Labor Government suspects that there may be supply-side issues in the construction sector, and in 2006 commissioned Callcutt Review of House Building Delivery, published in 2007. The Callcutt report noted the failure of the home building industry to increase supply in response to price signals.
There was a decrease in the number of home settlements after the 2008 recession, but by 2015 it returned to 169,000.
Residential purchase price
In 1950, in 2012 the pound, the average live cost was Ã, Â £ 50,000 versus Ã, Â £ 75,000 in 2012.
In September 2015 the average home price was £ 286,000, and the housing affordability measured by the price-to-income ratio was 5.3.
London Effect
There are fears that the London council is exacerbating the housing crisis by pursuing a policy of gentrification.
London is ranked as the top city in the world in terms of the number of individuals with ultra high net worth living in a city. The consequences of this are seen at high prices for top-end homes. The most expensive house ever sold in the UK is 2 to 8a Rutland Gate, Hyde Park, which sells for £ 280 million by 2015. The most expensive road in Britain is Kensington Palace Gardens, London, where the average home price is around Ã, Â £ 42 million.
A report for the Wandsworth Borough Council found that overseas investors had a positive effect on housing affordability, both in putting forward new homes in general and allowing affordable housing sections of the scheme to be submitted more quickly. They also found that there was little evidence of housing left empty.
See below for more information on claims that London property is being vacated by speculators.
The desire for rising house prices
Housing is the largest non-financial asset on the UK balance sheet, with a net worth of Ã, Â £ 5.1 trillion (2014). In national statistics the rise in house prices is considered as adding to GDP and thereby causing economic growth.
Historically, assumptions in the media and elsewhere are that rising house prices are a good thing. There is evidence that the public is no longer sharing this view.
Nearly two out of five households rented their homes. In 2014 most of the rental residences where provided by private landlords. The proportion of rented residence from the private rental sector increases, while the public sector declines. In the financial year 2014, the leased private sector increased by 123,000 dwellings, and the public sector declined by 9,000 dwellings.
In the UK there is no property tax based on ownership, which many other OECD countries have.
High rent not only affects those who are at the bottom of the income distribution; who has always been a lifelong tenant. In the consensus-era of Keynes-Beveridge, those who are at the top of the income distribution will usually rent a house while saving for a deposit to get into the property ladder. This is no longer possible; the money to be used in saving for the deposit now runs on rent. The majority of new households formed in the UK can now expect to rent from private home owners for life. This phenomenon is called rent generation and there is much debate about the social consequences of this change. See inequality for more information.
In London, rental rates are twice the national average and this triggers gentrification. The Londoners with average income found they could no longer afford to rent flats in central London. The average income earners working in central London should move to outer suburbs of London and the cities of Singapore in the UK. Many find that travel using London's dwindling transport infrastructure lowers their standard of living and disrupts family life.
Homeless
As of June 2015 there are about 67,000 UK households in temporary accommodation. In autumn 2014 there are about 2,400 people who have trouble sleeping in the UK, 27% of whom are in London.
Excess
The consequences of housing shortages and high rents manifest itself in excessive density rather than in homeless, The crowd problem is more very acute in London. In 2011, an estimated 391,000 children in London live in crowded conditions.
Between 1995-1996 and 2013-2014 the population density, as measured by standard bedrooms increased from 63,000 households to 218,000 households. The standard of the bedroom shrinks the density. This does not include potential household units that are forced to live in the same dwelling. For example, divorced couples living in the same residence, adult children can not form their own household but must live with their parents. It has not been proven possible to find statistics about actual density levels.
A report issued by the Deputy Prime Minister of the Office reviewed jostling evidence, in addition to known effects on physical health, adverse health effects, and child development.
Housing Quality
It is useful to consider the quality of housing under two physical and social subtitles. In the Beveridge Consensus era there were large-scale slum-liberation projects. The healthcare officers' councils were examined for residence in an area and those who failed to meet the standards were forcibly purchased for a nominal amount and destroyed. A new residence was built to build a slum dweller's house. The slum opening significantly improves the physical quality of the UK housing stock. But in the seminal study Family and Family in East London found that although the physical quality of housing has improved, the social quality has deteriorated. Apartment occupants in the tower block appreciate their clean, warm, bright new apartments, but lost a supportive community network in the slums.
Physical Quality
Undocumented migrants, because they fear being deported, vulnerable to exploitation, and not reporting housing conditions that are a public health risk. This means that the problem level is unknown.
Although the overall quality of UK housing stocks has increased over the last thirty years (one generation), the quality of housing for new households formed from those at or below the median income has declined. Thirty years ago a new household in this group could rent a board house built with Parker Morris standards. By 2016, new households of this group, must rent from owners of private homes, which will have less space than standard Parker Morris dwellings, and tend to be damp, and they pay in tangible form, at least three times the rental of a generation of people their old.
Jessica McLean is a tenant who complains about where to live and claims that she was evicted because of this.
Social quality
For many, the social life enabled by their homes is as important as the physical condition that the home provides. There is a debate about whether the generation born in 1980 is better or worse than their parents. Some economists claim the standard of living has risen for so-called Generation X, while others think they have resisted. Economists show a fourfold growth in national GDP, an increase in GDP per capita, and an increase in average incomes. Those who feel that there is a falling standard of living for generation X, say that an increase in GDP per capita can, and in the UK, be associated with a decline in the quality of life. And the Generation X housing conditions have made their standard of living much lower than their parents. They claim that the two main causes of deterioration in the social environment provided by housing are: symmetrical rental agreements and socially disaggregated housing developments.
Symmetric rental agreement
Almost all homes stay with the Shorthold Assured Tenanc agreement. There is a brief period, usually six months or a year, where no party can terminate the agreement. After this period, both parties may terminate the agreement on the notification of the month.
There is evidence that the beneficiaries of the symmetrical lease agreement were British landlords, as it has allowed rental rates to rise not only faster than the RPI, but also much faster than wages. By 2015, private sector rent in the UK rose 4.9% with major increases in Brighton and Bristol while profit growth in the UK was 2.9%.
Factors that degrade the social quality of housing such as homelessness and fear of homelessness, and hostile environments have temporarily been linked to symmetrical lease agreements. Evidence of comparative insecurity in the private rental sector, provided by statistics on recent movers. In 2013, for every 1,000 residents, 340 people in the private rental sector will move, compared to 5 occupant owners, and 9 in the public rental sector.
Socially Separated Housing
The current position is that in London, only the highest earning UK citizens are in the market to become homeowners. In London, the effective demand for new residences now comes from property investors, not those who hope to be the owners of the invaders. Property investors, basically are not interested in whether the residential units provide a good social environment for families. Investors are looking for a standard residential unit that can provide good rental income and predictable maintenance costs. This has reduced the demand for three-bedroom houses with gardens, which usually consider to provide the ideal family home, on the contrary the demand for apartments in multi-storey blocks. In London, many such apartments are marketed as well, and bought by foreign investors. The ideal unit for such an investor, is in its gated development with apartment tower blocks, with a non-garden car park. Standard residential units are desirable because they can be traded in global markets like any other commodity.
There is evidence that gated developments intensify social segregation, and instead of preventing crime, they create a fear of evil. The gated development population is afraid of those who live outside their secure space and just abandon development by car. They are too scared to get out of it and socialize with their neighbors outside.
Having separate plantations for the owner's occupiers and tenant boards reinforces class divisions and classroom stereotypes. There are residents in the owner's occupation plantations who call those who live on 'general' councils which means they are social subordinates, and there are residents in city councils who will call those who live in occupied landlords who are 'arrogant' which means they are the ones who should proud to socialize with those whom they consider to be their social subordinates. Due to the limited social interaction between the owner's occupants and the council tenants there is much room for misunderstanding.
Cost of Home Warming (Energy Efficiency)
Homes in the UK are some of the most expensive to warm in Europe, resulting in high fuel poverty levels (for more information see Fuel poverty in the UK). The problem resulted from the age of housing stock with most of the residences built before the 1973 oil shock, after the insulation standards to build new housing improved. UK homes have the oldest age profile in the EU with more than 60% built before 1960, and with just over 10% built between 1991-2010. The chart above on the history of new residential development shows this age profile is a consequence of the reduction in the number of new residences built per year after 1979.
There was a special problem with the dwellings built before World War I (1914-1918), which is now over a hundred years old. The terraced houses in this period, built for sale to buyers to let investors at that time, are very difficult to isolate. The residence was built to warm up with open coal fires, and has large windy windows to allow fire to draw. They have very small rooms and have sturdy walls with one layer of bricks. This structure makes wall insulation expensive and in many cases impractical. Many of these dwellings were replaced by board houses in a post-war slum cleaning program, but with the end of public-sector housing development, this route to improve energy efficiency of housing stocks ended.
There was also the problem of isolation in the pre-1914 pre-built houses that were built for deciles over that time. These homes are built with maid residence in the roof space. Most of these houses have been converted into blocks of flats and sold for purchase to provide investors. These flats are difficult to isolate, especially the flat top floors in the roof space. The cost of isolation means that it is not often ineffective for the owner to protect the dwelling. This is especially true in London, where due to housing crisis, landlords can let property in poor condition, and consequently improve the energy efficiency of residence is not a priority to buy to let investors.
There is also a problem where only half of the less groomed residences in private rental sector use central heating, rather than using more expensive electric heaters.
Government policy to improve home energy efficiency
To encourage home isolation, the government introduced The Green Deal, Obligations of Energy Companies, and Energy Performance Certificates (EPCs).
The Green Deal does not offer subsidies or grants for home insulation. Instead a new type of loan is provided that is attached to the property rather than the individual taking the loan. Property buyers become liable for loans taken to protect property. The Green Deal policy has been heavily criticized. In 2013, Telegraph wrote that the high interest rates charged for loans taken under the Green Agreement would mean that there would be no insignificant takeovers, and therefore the policy would be ineffective.
The obligations of energy companies provide proven grants for home insulation. Funding for this grant does not come from government taxes. Instead there are laws allowing energy utilities to raise charges on all electric bills to pay for proven grant insulation. By 2015, this charge is added around Ã, Â £ 112 to the average utility bill. If the utility fails to spend the money it gains from levies in the insulation of the homes of the fuel-poor, it is fined. There is a problem with the scheme; the utility has paid a fine rather than providing insulation.
The difficulties of the utility are the low acceptance of grants. There is a particular problem because most of the poor-fueled people who are entitled to grants are in the private rental sector. A tenant who submits a petition and gets a grant that increases the property of his landlord has no secure ownership. Tenants will not benefit from a reduction in fuel bills, if the owner lays the rent, because the property has been fixed. Understandably, tenants in fuel poverty are reluctant to apply for grants. The consequences of failure to take grants are given as one of the reasons UK lost its carbon reduction targets.
The idea behind the EPC is that if they buy or lease the property informed of the market power its energy efficiency will lead to better isolated residence. To improve market performance by providing more informed buyers, under UK law, whenever a dwelling is built, sold, or renting an EPC is required.
The EPC provides an indication of the energy efficiency of a dwelling. Certificates have been criticized for being based on visual inspection of property, and examination of documents, and not on the measurement of energy use, or the characteristics of building insulation. It is impossible to calculate the cost of heating occupancy from the EPC, or the amount of energy that can be saved by isolating walls, roofs or windows. There is a claim that the EPC has no real value. Holding that a certificate that can be purchased for just £ 34, produced as a result of a form filling exercise, may not be as useful as an appropriate energy survey based on measurement.
There is a housing improvement in isolation but this is mainly in the owner-occupant sector. Between 2001 and 2013 the prevalence of insulation cavity walls of houses with cavity walls rose from 39% to 68%. During the same period the proportion of double-layered occupancy increased from 51% to 80%. It has not been proven possible to find evidence that this improvement is a result of government policy or that it will happen.
If all recommendations by energy performance certificates are exercised the notional carbon dioxide emissions from UK dwellings may be reduced by more than 20%.
Empty house
According to official statistics, in October 2015, there were 600,179 vacant residences in the UK, a decline from 610,123 from a year earlier. From this empty residence, 203,596 is empty for more than six months. This, it is believed, is primarily for financial reasons, as the owner can not sell the house or collect enough money to renovate the property. In November 2017, the government allowed the council to impose a 100% board tax tax on vacant homes.
According to official statistics, the percentage of vacant homes in the UK dropped from 3.5% in 2008 to 2.6% in 2014. One explanation for this housing transaction has increased since the financial crisis, and because of government efforts to reduce the number of vacant homes. An alternative explanation is that before April 2013 there was an incentive for property owners to report the property as empty, as there was a discount on the council tax for the vacant property. And when these incentives are removed, property owners stop telling the council that their property is empty, and this leads to an empty house fall reported by official statistics.
Number of vacant houses including houses where previous occupants are in prison, in care, in hospital or just died.
Charity Vacant House argues that empty homes help contribute to the housing crisis, saying in a report "The longer a vacant property the more assets of our housing are wasted, and the longer the vacant property, the more likely it will get worse, the more likely it will be to bring back used, and more likely to be seen as blight by neighbors. "
London
By 2015, about 1.7% of London's homes are vacant, historically low. The vacancy rate is much lower for London's private sector housing compared to other countries, while the rate for affordable housing is "very similar".
Research by the Islington Council reveals that nearly a third of newly built residences have no one on the voters list after six years, although this can exclude students and foreign tenants. The Observer reports on what has been termed 'light out of London'.. 'where the absentee owner boosts property prices without contributing to the local economy'. A local restaurant owner explained the problem, 'My original customers [have sold to] non-dom people who do not live in their [properties]. In some apartment blocks, 20% are uninhabited... It makes a big difference [for my business] '.
The Guardian is investigating occupancy and apartment ownership in St Georges Wharf Tower on the south bank of the River Thames. Investigations found that 60% of apartments are foreign-owned, often by companies registered in tax havens. Further found that although there are bedrooms for more than 600 people, there are only 60 people registered to vote.
A study by the London School of Economics for the Mayor of London found that virtually no evidence of new building units being left blank, "definitely less than 1%" and that "majority" of overseas buyers are meant to stay on the property or lease it.
Research from Trust for London found that the number of affordable homes built varies significantly between London Boroughs. Tower Hamlets delivered 1,830 affordable homes in three years to 2015/16, most in London, while Bexley only delivered 7, at least in London.
See also
- Building codes in Great Britain
- The cost of moving to the United Kingdom
- British land law
- Land Registry (United Kingdom)
- The mortgage industry in the United Kingdom
- Public housing in the United Kingdom
- Real estate in the United Kingdom
References
Further reading
- Back, Glenn, and Chris Hamnett. "The establishment of a state housing policy and the changing role of housing associations in the UK." Policies & amp; Politics 13.4 (1985): 393-412.
- Boddy, Martin. Building Society (Macmillan, 1980).
- Branson, Noreen, and Margot Heinemann. English in the Nineteen Thirteen (1971) pp 180-201.
- Branson, Noreen. English in Nineteen Twenties (1976) pp 103-17.
- Burnett, John. Social housing history: 1815-1985 (2nd edition 1986)
- Clark, Gregory. "A shelter from the storm: housing and industrial revolution, 1550-1909." Journal of Economic History 62 # 2 (2002): 489-511.
- Cowan, David. "'This is mine! This is Private! Here is where I am!': Access to Home Ownership." in Cowan, ed., Housing Law and Policy (1999). 326-361.
- Damer, Sean. "'Human machine engineer': The social practice of housing management councils in Glasgow, 1895-1939." Urban Studies 37,11 (2000): 2007-2026.
- Dunleavy, Patrick. Mass housing policy in Britain, 1945-1975: study of corporate strength and professional influence in the welfare state (Oxford UP & lt; 1981).
- Gauldie, Enid. The cruel habit: the history of the working-class housing 1780-1918 (Allen & amp; Unwin, 1974).
- Ginsburg, Norman. "Privatization housing council." Critical Social Policy 25.1 (2005): 115-135.
- Glynn, Sean, and John Oxborrow. English Interwar: social and economic history (1976) pp 212-44.
- Hollow, Matthew. "The age of prosperity is revisited: Council of estates and consumer societies in Britain, 1950-1970." Consumer Culture Journal 16.1 (2016): 279-296.
- King, Anthony D. Building and Society: Essays on Artificial Social Environments (1980)
- Madigan, Ruth, and Moira Munro. "Gender, home and" home ": The social and architectural significance of domestic in England." Journal of Architecture and Planning Research (1991): 116-132. in JSTOR
- Melling, Joseph, ed. Housing, Social Policy and Country (1980)
- Merrett, Stephen. Country Housing in England (1979)
- Merrett, Stephen, and Fred Gray. Workers in the UK (Routledge, 1982).
- Pugh, Martin. We Danced all Night: The social history of Britain between the Wars (2008), pp 57-75.
- Rodger, Richard. UK urban housing 1780-1914 (Cambridge UP, 1995).
- Scott, Peter. "Mass home ownership marketing and the creation of modern working-class consumers in inter-war England." Business History 50.1 (2008): 4-25.
- Short, John R. Housing in England: postwar experience (Taylor & Francis, 1982).
- Smyth, Stewart. "Privatization of council housing: Transfer of shares and struggle for responsible housing." Critical Social Policy 33.1 (2013): 37-56.
- Stephenson, John, British Society 1914-45 (1984) p. 221-42.
- Swenarton, Mark. House Suitable for Heroes: Politics and Architecture of Initial Country Housing in the United Kingdom (1981).
- Thane, Pat. the Companion's Kasel to the 20th century English (2001) pp 195-96.
Historiography
- Hinchcliffe, Tanis. "Pandora's Box: Forty Years of Housing History." The London Journal 41.1 (2016): 1-16. Discussed articles about the housing and scientific journals of The London Journal
- Pepper, Simon, and Peter Richmond. "The house is not suited for heroes: The slums in London and Neville Chamberlain, the Unhealthy Area Committee, 1919-21." Town Planning Reviews 80.2 (2009): 143-171.
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